It has been a week of reflections. Each one has their own and each one accommodates the “INE march” in the way that best suits their interests. Many do internal analysis, others try to share it in their communities. Each one is seeing how to channel the energy – light or dark – to their own goals.
One day after the march, the first to make his intentions transparent was Claudio X. González. He launched a manifesto to affiliate those who took to the streets. He used that euphemism that is now known as “civil society”, a worn-out hoax that has discredited, as in few other countries in the world, the way of identifying “civilians”, ordinary people. The businessman’s greatest ally is, precisely, “Sociedad Civil México”. It is directed by former deputy Ana Lucía Medina Galindo, an active militant of Acción Nacional. González and Medina disguise themselves as activists although it is no longer possible to sustain it.
The opposition manifesto exhibits what I say, and even more. Calls to create a “Government plan” for the six-year period 2024-2030; It calls, then, for the seizure of power through political parties with the deception that it is about the “empowerment of citizens.” A lie taken too far.
That same Monday, President López Obrador directed the march towards his own issues. He would have loved to take the protesters to the Zócalo –because of his ulterior plans– because, although his number one issue was the volume of those mobilized, the second was to expose the organizers: the expressions of hate, the classism of some. And then he called for his own march, which he and other 4T leaders will lead. And something massive is expected. The left has hardly lost its shine, judging by the polls and the four-year wave of victories.
I know very few who assumed the march as “citizen.” There were citizens with the right to mobilize, of course, but the mobilization responded to causes from the right and nothing else. I know very few who, without hating AMLO and without voting for PAN-PRI-PRD, mobilized. It was a mixture of citizens and militants, then, but the condition for marching was to be an antagonist of the left, to believe that Mexico will be the “new Venezuela” and that “López wants to be re-elected” and that “he is destroying the country.”
All that is valid and everyone can think what they want, of course. In fact, the march allowed many who had not publicly defined themselves to do so. The unfortunate thing is that many left deceived or self-deceived. Yes, they were fed a well-told and cleverly distributed lie (especially on WhatsApp): that the INE would be demolished.
Among those who hate the option of the left it is easy to place such a speech. It falls soft. The “I Defend the INE” was built taking advantage of the ignorance in many communities on electoral issues and the trust generated by characters like José Woldenberg; a trust, of course, now violated. (For those interested in the subject I recommend my previous text, from a week ago, where I explain it).
But in addition to the lie to mobilize, there is another equally delicate issue. And whoever reads or listens to me, turn to the sky and imagine for a moment that someone brought the sun closer ten times and it shines and buzzes because it is coming here, towards us. It’s a falling meteor. And later I explain.
The mere idea of normalizing electoral raccoons was embarrassing, but their triumphant return to the streets – together with citizens, militants and an elite of intellectuals who previously denounced them – is, frankly, a shame.
For years we dreamed of the moment when we could prevent, as in many democracies, the corrupt from having a place in society. We dreamed of running screaming from a restaurant to an Enrique Peña Nieto or a Carlos Romero Deschamps. We dreamed of throwing eggs at them, since we couldn’t put them in jail, and recording it on our cell phone. We dreamed of humiliating them in public.
Now, if Romero Deschamps had gone, I highly doubt anyone would have dared to throw eggs at him. Perhaps a mob would have lynched him shouting “die the peje!”, or “Lorenzo lives!”.
Excuse me Pepe Woldenberg but seeing him make common cause with Elba Esther Gordillo and Roberto Madrazo makes me very, very sad. The academic-electoral-intellectual elite gained prestige defending elections and now shelters (and shelters with) those who stole elections and got away with it. hijole Sorry I don’t agree with you. I find it hard not to sum up the scene in one word: decadence.
Because it is an exchange of favors between some who pretended to be nobles and others who presume to be villains. Because those who felt they were the “essence of Mexican democracy” have normalized the predators of Mexican democracy. Because the supposed “founding fathers of democracy” have washed the face of those who mocked it. Excuse me for the scene seems grotesque. One way to look at it is that they aged poorly; the other, that they were always wrong and reached old age without correcting themselves.
The march inspired by lies and which allowed the anti-democrats to normalize illuminated – that’s how I see them – an ecosystem of dinosaurs fearful of the meteor that is sighted in the sky.
Yesterday they pretended to bite each other, and they were doing well. Today the dinosaurs kiss each other scared and with wet eyes they give a battle that seems lost. It is the battle for a world that falls apart when the asteroid has not even hit the ground.
When the soot subsided, another world was discovered where everything was yet to be built, including intelligence. Huge, reckless and cold beings gave way to short, thin, almost insignificant mammals. An inescapable lesson remains from that episode in the history of the Earth: the meteor did not build a new world: it ended with another, previous one.
This means that whatever comes after the asteroid is to be built. And seeing the world that is left behind, I apologize because I am optimistic. That world, where everything that moved was a sandwich for dinosaurs, never seemed ideal to me.
In other words: the structure of the Mexican media was never to my liking –much less my example; the intellectual elite; the big businessmen from Salinas who became billionaires while poverty increased; those who hid in academia to collect a salary and the corrupt politicians of the past decades together with the high-ranking journalists who underhanded and promoted them.
I never wanted to be Jacobo Zabludovsky when I was a child, well. And if you agree with me, you will know that all of the above fit in a suitcase that we must leave in a world that will disappear with the meteor. The suitcase has expanded for me and I celebrate it, because it was too much weight in vain.
And be careful: the meteor has not fallen. She glows and buzzes and approaches, but she hasn’t fallen. Dinosaurs are still kings on this earth; They are everywhere and they even march. But there is already a trajectory that seems inevitable and a new world will be born from all this experience, if we want.
But while the meteor falls, the brightness has shown that the dinosaurs learned to hold hands, carried away by fear.
Those who vote left went home empty-handed, every six years, throughout the 20th century and much of the 21st. Things changed in 1988 and in 2006.
Those two choices became gigantic case studies that filled folders and folders of teachings. If it weren’t for the fraud, seen from a distance, both processes would have to be celebrated if you are a democrat and if you are at least moderately progressive, because on the one hand it became clear that it was enough for the Mexican left and on the other, that the right and the “democratic center” are the same at any time, and are capable of justifying electoral fraud if “democracy” does not work in their favor.
The 1988 elections, for example, exposed to millions of Mexicans the individuals at the service of the de facto powers, always so willing to change their principles for what the person who signs the check says. He allowed to know the true nature of Miguel de la Madrid, in whose six-year term the fraud against Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas occurred; Carlos Salinas, the beneficiary of the theft of that year’s elections; Luis Donaldo Colosio, who passes for a saint because his own associates murdered him but who was the coordinator of Salinas’ bungled campaign; and to Manuel Bartlett, the one in charge, according to all the forces of the left, of imposing the President that the elites wanted and not the one that the majorities voted for.
And from the 2006 elections we still haven’t stopped learning. The folders keep piling up. So far we know that in 2003 the political parties and the de facto powers pushed aside the left and took over the IFE. Elba Esther Gordillo imposed Luis Carlos Ugalde there and other advisers arrived with the blessing of PRI and PAN. And with that general council the 2006 elections were reached; the same council of the IFE that did not see Vicente Fox, the Business Coordinating Council or an elite of billionaires “load the dice”, as the former president himself would confess years later, to impose Felipe Calderón and violate the will of the citizenry.
And we are seeing the last episode of that 2006 up to now, in the curious and almost prophetic march where the actors of that fraud finally joined hands. Yesterday they pretended to bite each other, and they stayed with the Presidency of the Republic. Today they kiss scared and with wet eyes they give a battle that seems lost because the meteor falls, their skin is scorched and the shine shows them as they are, before finally burning them.
Alejandro Paez Varela
Journalist, writer. He is the author of the novels Corazón de Kalashnikov (Alfaguara 2014, Planeta 2008), Música para Perros (Alfaguara 2013), El Reino de las Moscas (Alfaguara 2012) and Oriundo Laredo (Alfaguara 2017). He is also from the story books Does Not Include Batteries (Cal y Arena 2009) and Parachute that does not open (2007). He wrote President in Waiting (Planeta 2011) and is co-author of other journalism books such as La Guerra por Juárez (Planeta, 2008), Los Suspirantes 2006 (Planeta 2005), Los Suspirantes 2012 (Planeta 2011), Los Amos de México (2007), The Untouchables (2008) and The Suspirantes 2018 (Planet 2017). He was deputy editorial director of El Universal, deputy director of the magazine Día Siete and editor at Reforma and El Economista. He is currently the CEO of SinEmbargo.mx